'One country, two systems' vital to HK's development

In a speech he delivered on Aug 22 to mark the 120th birth anniversary of Deng Xiaoping, President Xi Jinping praised the late leader's contributions to the country, including the "one country, two systems" policy which facilitated the reunification of Hong Kong and Macao with the motherland.

However, over the past few years, some anti-China political forces have been trying to distort the meaning of "one country, two systems", and using it to accuse China of failing to faithfully implement the policy in Hong Kong.

First, "one country, two systems" is primarily a policy prioritizing the interests of the country. Its strategic goal of reunifying Hong Kong with the motherland was achieved in 1997. The goal now is to allow the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region to continue to play a key role in the country's socialist modernization.

Deng emphasized that the country's "mainstay must be socialism" while allowing certain regions of the country, such as Hong Kong and Taiwan, to follow the existing political system in order to maintain their prosperity and stability, because that would be in the nation's interest.

Second, under the policy, the central government has allowed Hong Kong to follow the existing system and way of life for 50 years. The commitment to "no change for fifty years" is crucial to enhancing the confidence of Hong Kong residents and the international community in the SAR's future. "No change for fifty years" also allows the United Kingdom and other Western countries, especially the United States, to believe their interests in the SAR are protected.

But "no change for fifty years" does not mean nothing can be changed between 1997 and 2047. It only means that fundamental or drastic changes would not take place. Despite that, opposition forces inside and outside Hong Kong have demanded from time to time fundamental changes in Hong Kong's political system. But by so demanding, they ignore the fact that such changes would do great injustice to China and the SAR.

Third, "a high degree of autonomy" as inscribed in the Hong Kong Basic Law is not the same as the "highest degree of autonomy", let alone "complete autonomy". Under "one country, two systems", the central government has the power to address Hong Kong's issues when necessary, safeguard national security and interests, and ensure the successful implementation of the policy. But the anti-China forces want to turn Hong Kong into an "independent political entity", with a few desperately seeking "Hong Kong independence". They refuse to acknowledge the power enjoyed by the central government under the "one country, two systems" policy, and often question the central government's legitimate powers. This is something Deng had warned against.

Fourth, according to the policy, Hong Kong residents should shoulder the responsibility of safeguarding national security and, if they fail to do so, the central government has the authority to intervene. Maintaining the leadership of the Communist Party of China and the socialist system is the top priority of China, and that can be done by safeguarding national security. Deng said: "For example, after 1997, when some people in Hong Kong scold the Communist Party and China, we still allow them to do so. However, if they take action to transform Hong Kong into a base against the mainland under the guise of 'democracy', what should we do? Then, we must intervene."

The anti-China forces deny that Hong Kong residents are responsible for safeguarding national security, so they demonize Article 23 of the Basic Law as an "evil law". Deng did foresee external forces interfering in the SAR's affairs after the handover of Hong Kong to China. But he might not have imagined that the anti-China forces would seek "Hong Kong independence". Such acts will not be tolerated by the central authorities because they endanger national security.

Fifth, implementing the principle of "patriots governing Hong Kong" is a precondition for "Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong" and the SAR enjoying "a high degree of autonomy". As Deng said, "What is a patriot? The standard for a patriot is to respect one's nation, sincerely support the motherland's resumption of sovereignty over Hong Kong, and not harm Hong Kong's prosperity and stability. As long as these conditions are met…they are patriots… We only require them to love the motherland and love Hong Kong."

Since "Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong" means "patriots governing Hong Kong", those Hong Kong residents who do not meet the criteria of patriots are not qualified to govern the SAR. To realize "patriots governing Hong Kong", the central authorities need to strengthen and support the patriotic forces, including helping them in various elections without violating the Basic Law.

And sixth, Hong Kong's electoral system must serve the strategic goal of the "one country, two systems" policy. In other words, Hong Kong's democratic development must not have consequences detrimental to the country's sovereignty, national security and territorial integrity, and should not make way for non-patriots governing Hong Kong or undermine the principle of "executive-led government". That's why Deng said "Hong Kong's political system cannot be completely Westernized or copied from the West."

The views of the anti-China forces are quite the opposite. They regard universal suffrage as the highest or even the only goal of "one country, two systems". But they pursue universal suffrage only to seize the governing power in Hong Kong.

However, considering the changes in the situations in the SAR, the country as a whole, and the world, the central authorities, while implementing the "one country, two systems" policy, should adjust their approach to Hong Kong. Nevertheless, the strategic goals and core principles of the policy introduced by Deng should continue to be the cornerstone and practical guideline of the policy.

The author is an emeritus professor of sociology, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, and a consultant to the Chinese Association of Hong Kong and Macao Studies.

The views don't necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

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