<tt id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"></pre></pre></tt>
          <nav id="6hsgl"><th id="6hsgl"></th></nav>
          国产免费网站看v片元遮挡,一亚洲一区二区中文字幕,波多野结衣一区二区免费视频,天天色综网,久久综合给合久久狠狠狠,男人的天堂av一二三区,午夜福利看片在线观看,亚洲中文字幕在线无码一区二区
          Global EditionASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
          Opinion
          Home / Opinion / China and the World Roundtable

          China a growing player in Middle East

          By Deborah Lehr, Kacee Ting Wong, Adnan Akfirat | China Daily | Updated: 2023-04-21 07:09
          Share
          Share - WeChat

          Editor's note: The Global Security Initiative aims to eliminate the root causes of international conflicts, improve global security governance, and encourage joint international efforts to bring more stability. The initiative has helped Saudi Arabia and Iran open a path for peace and stability in the Middle East. Three experts share their views on the issue with China Daily.

          JIN DING/CHINA DAILY

          That China has brokered a historic diplomatic deal between Saudi Arabia and Iran — the two countries have decided to resume diplomatic ties after seven years — may come as a surprise to many, especially because China was not seen as a major player in the Middle East. But the fact is that for more than a decade, China has steadily expanded its influence across the Middle East.

          China has not only increased investments in the Middle East through its Belt and Road Initiative and grown to become the region's largest trading partner, but also avoided, in most cases, entangling itself in the messy politics and sectarian rivalries in the region. This reflects China's new diplomatic strategy, characterized by a more active foreign policy that suits its own interests and creates more space for it to play a bigger role on the global stage.

          This raises two questions: Does China hope to supplant the United States' role as the diplomatic heavyweight in the region? And what is driving China's evolving interests?

          The short answer to the first question is "no". China plays, and will continue to play, a fundamentally different role in the Middle East than the US. It has no will to be the primary security guarantor for the region, nor can it offer the military resources provided by the US. The arms trade between China and the Arab region, for example, is a small fraction of what is traded with the US.

          But China's interests in the region are indeed shifting. The country's relationship with the Arab world has long been based on trade and economy. Increasingly, it is likely to be animated by geopolitical and strategic concerns. And while it may not seek to supplant or replicate the US' role in the region, China may use its growing political and strategic clout in ways that are likely to aggravate tensions with the US.

          China's new diplomatic strategy is less about a seismic shift in the world order than a shift in its own vision of its international role.

          In the 1980s, the Arab order was challenged by the Iran-Iraq War. Plus, the geopolitical order was overturned by the end of the Cold War in 1991. And between 1984 and 1990, China established diplomatic relations with the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia.

          The global order is shifting again, creating new dynamics between the Arab world and the two major global powers. While the US is widely perceived to be retreating from the Middle East with its new focus on the "Indo-Pacific", China is rapidly strengthening its ties with Arab nations. In 1990, China's bilateral trade with Saudi Arabia amounted to only $417 million. In 2022, it had grown to more than $116 billion. China's trade with Saudi Arabia in 2020 was more than three times that of US-Saudi Arabia trade.

          The growing economic ties between the countries, however, are underpinned by strategic imperatives. China's economy relies heavily on imported oil and gas. And China sees the energy-rich Arab region as a crucial energy supplier at a time when demand for oil is expected to bounce back after nearly three years of COVID-19-related restrictions. China also sees significant potential to export more of its technologies and invest in critical infrastructure.

          For China, the Middle East is an attractive market, one without the regulatory and political restrictions that Chinese technology firms face in Europe and the US.

          At the same time, China has been expanding its political relations with the region. A 2019 report by the Atlantic Council says that China has signed comprehensive strategic partnerships with Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Iran, Egypt and Algeria. This level of partnership maintains "full pursuit of cooperation and development on regional and international affairs". China also maintains "lower-level" partnerships with eight other countries in the Middle East.

          China's expansive foreign policy goes well beyond the Middle East. In addition to its recent efforts to play a significant diplomatic role in the Russia-Ukraine crisis, China has engaged in a more activist foreign policy, concluding security and defense agreements with Djibouti and pledging $100 million in military aid to the African Union.

          On the other hand, the Joe Biden administration's ties with traditional allies and partners — Egypt, the UAE and Saudi Arabia — are strained. When Washington pushed for sanctions to punish Moscow for the Russia-Ukraine conflict, not one of these three countries supported it.

          China's transition from foreign policy observer to active diplomatic player should not come as a surprise. As China's economic interests have grown significantly overseas, it has used this economic might to promote its own diplomatic agenda. This new Chinese strategy is less about a seismic shift in the world and more about a shift in China's vision of its international role.

          What does this mean for China's future in the Middle East? Beijing has much to gain, economically and geopolitically, especially if the US continues to deprioritize the region. The Middle East countries have gained an important economic partner, but increasingly they are becoming the competitive playing field for growing US-China competition. How the region balances its economic interests with its foreign policy and national security priorities will remain a challenge in the foreseeable future.

          The views don't necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

           

          The author is CEO and managing director of Edelman Global Advisory. She is also the executive director of the Paulson Institute and the founder and chairman of the Antiquities Coalition.
          1 2 3 Next   >>|
          Most Viewed in 24 Hours
          Top
          BACK TO THE TOP
          English
          Copyright 1994 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
          License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

          Registration Number: 130349
          FOLLOW US
          主站蜘蛛池模板: 久久精品国产久精国产| japanese人妻中文字幕| 亚洲va中文字幕欧美不卡 | 国色天香中文字幕在线视频| 不卡AV中文字幕手机看| 日本三级香港三级人妇99| 国产精品福利尤物youwu| 欧美村妇激情内射| 人妻无码熟妇乱又伦精品视频 | 欧美极品色午夜在线视频| 毛片内射久久久一区| 国产边摸边吃奶边叫做激情视频| 亚洲韩国精品无码一区二区三区| 三年的高清电影免费看| 有码中文字幕一区三区 | 性一交一乱一乱一视频| 污网站在线观看视频| 国产不卡的一区二区三区| 色琪琪丁香婷婷综合久久| 成人做爰www网站视频| 国产99久久亚洲综合精品西瓜tv| 欧美精品1区2区| 色777狠狠狠综合| 日日碰狠狠添天天爽| 国产又色又爽又黄的视频在线| 公粗挺进了我的密道在线播放| 人妻少妇邻居少妇好多水在线| 免费a级黄毛片| 国产精品18久久久久久| 极品蜜桃臀一区二区av| 中文字幕国产精品av| 欧美熟妇乱子伦XX视频 | 亚洲成精品动漫久久精久| 男女xx00xx的视频免费观看| 在线观看国产成人av天堂| 国产毛片三区二区一区| 亚洲av乱码一区二区三区| 亚洲精品乱码久久久久久中文字幕| 欧美日韩精品一区二区视频| 精品一区二区三区在线视频观看| 亚洲精品美女一区二区|