<tt id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"></pre></pre></tt>
          <nav id="6hsgl"><th id="6hsgl"></th></nav>
          国产免费网站看v片元遮挡,一亚洲一区二区中文字幕,波多野结衣一区二区免费视频,天天色综网,久久综合给合久久狠狠狠,男人的天堂av一二三区,午夜福利看片在线观看,亚洲中文字幕在线无码一区二区
          US EUROPE AFRICA ASIA 中文
          Opinion / Op-Ed Contributors

          First term of 'Obama Doctrine'

          By Joseph S. Nye (China Daily) Updated: 2012-08-11 07:47

          First term of 'Obama Doctrine'

          Public-opinion polls in the United States indicate a close presidential election in November. While President Barack Obama outpolls Republican challenger Mitt Romney on foreign policy, slow economic growth and high unemployment - issues that are far more salient in US elections - favor Romney. And, even on foreign policy, Obama's critics complain that he has failed to implement the transformational initiatives that he promised four years ago. Are they right?

          Obama came to power when both the US and the world economy were in the midst of the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression. Indeed, some of Obama's economic advisers counseled him that unless urgent steps were taken to stimulate the economy, there was a one-in-three chance of entering a full-scale depression.

          Thus, although Obama also inherited two ongoing wars, nuclear-proliferation issues from Iran and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and the continuing problem of al-Qaida's terrorism, his early months in office were devoted to addressing the economic crisis at home and abroad. His efforts were not a complete success, but he managed to stave off the worst outcome.

          Obama's rhetoric during his 2008 campaign and the first months of his presidency was both inspirational in style and transformational in objective. His first year in office included a speech in Prague in which he established the goal of a nuclear-free world, a speech in Cairo promising a new approach to the Muslim world, and his Nobel Peace Prize speech that promised to "bend history in the direction of justice".

          In part, this series of speeches was tactical. Obama needed to meet his promise to set a new direction in foreign policy while simultaneously managing to juggle the issues left to him by George W. Bush, any of which, if dropped, could still cause a crisis for his presidency. Nonetheless, there is no reason to believe that Obama was being disingenuous about his objectives. His worldview was shaped by the fact that he spent part of his youth in Indonesia and had an African father.

          In the words of a recent Brookings Institution book, Obama had an "activist vision of his role in history", intending to "refurbish America's image abroad, especially in the Muslim world; end its involvement in two wars; offer an outstretched hand to Iran; reset relations with Russia as a step toward ridding the world of nuclear weapons; develop significant cooperation with China on both regional and global issues; and make peace in the Middle East". But his record of achievement on these issues has been mixed.

          "Seemingly intractable circumstances turned him from the would-be architect of a new global order into a leader focused more on repairing relationships and reacting to crises - most notably the global economic crisis," the book continues. And while he eliminated Osama bin Laden and weakened al-Qaida, some counter-terrorism policies ended up undercutting his appeal in places like the Middle East and Pakistan.

          Some of the half-empty glasses were the result of intractable events; some were the product of early naivet, such as the initial approaches to Israel, China and Afghanistan. But Obama was quick to recover from mistakes in a practical way. As one of his supporters put it, he is a "pragmatic idealist".

          In this sense, though Obama did not back away from rhetorical expressions of transformational goals regarding such issues as climate change or nuclear weapons, in practice his pragmatism was reminiscent of more incremental presidential leaders like Dwight Eisenhower or George H. W. Bush. Despite his relative inexperience in international affairs, Obama showed a similar skill in reacting to a complex set of foreign-policy challenges. This was demonstrated by his appointments of experienced advisers, careful management of issues, and above all, keen contextual intelligence.

          This is not to say that Obama has had no transformational effects. He changed the course of an unpopular policy in Iraq and Afghanistan, embraced counter-insurgency tactics based on less costly uses of military and cyber power, increased American soft power in many parts of the world and began to shift America's strategic focus to Asia, the global economy's fastest-growing region.

          With respect to Iran, Obama struggled to implement United Nations-approved sanctions and thus avoid a premature war. And, while the "Arab Spring" presented him with an unwelcome surprise, after some hesitation he came down on what he regarded as the side of history.

          In a new book, Confront and Conceal, David Sanger describes what he calls an "Obama Doctrine" (though he faults him for not communicating it more clearly): a lighter military footprint, combined with a willingness to use force unilaterally when American security interests are directly involved, reliance on coalitions to deal with global problems that do not directly threaten US security and "a rebalancing away from the Middle East quagmires toward the continent of greatest promise: Asia.

          The contrast between the killing of bin Laden and the intervention in Libya illustrates the "Obama Doctrine". In the former case, Obama personally managed a unilateral use of force, which involved a raid on Pakistani territory. In the latter, where national interests were not as clear, he waited until the Arab League and the UN had adopted resolutions that provided the legitimacy needed to ensure the right soft-power narrative, and then shared the leadership of the hard-power operation with NATO allies.

          The long-term effect of the "Obama Doctrine" will require more time to assess, but, as he approaches the November election, Obama appears to have an edge over his opponent in foreign policy. Obama has not bent the arc of history in the transformational way to which he aspired in his campaign four years ago, but his shift to a pragmatic approach may turn out to be a good thing, particularly if voters continue to have doubts about the economy.

          The author is a professor at Harvard University and author of The Future of Power.

          Project Syndicate

          (China Daily 08/11/2012 page6)

          Most Viewed Today's Top News
          New type of urbanization is in the details
          ...
          主站蜘蛛池模板: 五月天国产成人av免费观看| 高清无码在线视频| 免费无码又黄又爽又刺激| 99亚洲男女激情在线观看| 色欧美片视频在线观看| 在线精品自拍亚洲第一区| 18禁裸乳无遮挡啪啪无码免费| 无码av永久免费专区麻豆| 欧美亚洲国产一区二区三区| 日本成熟少妇喷浆视频| 免费午夜无码片在线观看影院| 精品久久久久久无码国产| 国产精品久久蜜臀av| 大JI巴好深好爽又大又粗视频| 国产极品尤物粉嫩在线观看| 久久精品国产一区二区三| 久久精品国产亚洲αv忘忧草| 亚洲成av人片一区二区| 亚洲一区二区三级av| 欧美乱妇高清无乱码免费| 尹人香蕉久久99天天拍欧美p7| 亚洲欧美日韩成人综合一区| 最新国产精品亚洲| 午夜福利精品国产二区| 99偷拍视频精品一区二区| 亚洲av色香蕉一区二区三| 在线无码免费看黄网站| 午夜激情福利在线免费看| 最近免费中文字幕mv在线视频3| 欧美日韩中文字幕久久伊人| 亚洲国产v高清在线观看| 亚洲精品天堂成人片AV在线播放| 免费无码又爽又刺激高潮虎虎视频| 狠狠色噜噜狠狠米奇777| 亚洲人成电影网站 久久影视| 女人脱裤子让男生桶爽视频| 亚洲午夜无码久久久久蜜臀av| 91香蕉视频在线| 国产精品免费中文字幕| 美女裸体无遮挡免费视频网站| 国产精品福利自产拍久久|