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          OPINION> Commentary
          Serving people core of human rights practice
          By Xiong Lei (China Daily)
          Updated: 2008-06-05 07:55

          The swiftness and efficiency the Chinese government has demonstrated in the rescue work following the devastating Sichuan earthquake in May has amazed the world and prompted various explanations.

          Some attribute it to China's recognition of the "universal values" of respecting life, which is seen as a "gratifying result" of China "gearing to international standards" in the past 30 years.

          But many netizens challenge the attribution with the question: Did the Communist Party of China (CPC), the Chinese government, and the People's Liberation Army (PLA) not "respect life" before China was "geared to international standards"?

          True, China did rigidly identify "human rights" as a "bourgeois idea" for a long time and dismissed it. And China did not incorporate the "respect for and protection of human rights" into the Constitution until 2004.

          But this by no means implies that the CPC, the Chinese government and the army did not value human rights up to 2004. In fact, even in the years when the concept of "human rights" was not accepted, China nevertheless had its own ways of adhering to human rights practice.

          The Chinese way of practicing human rights is to put the people's interests above everything else and to serve the people wholeheartedly. That is the nature of China's human rights practice and the character of the State power led by the CPC.

          This nature becomes ever more apparent during disasters.

          Many people love to compare the recent Wenchuan quake with the tremor of a similar magnitude that struck Tangshan, 150 kilometers east of Beijing, in the predawn hour on July 28, 1976, killing 240,000 lives.

          The Tangshan quake was an extremely destructive disaster at a special historical moment, as Chairman Mao Zedong, the then leader of the Chinese people, was seriously ill and a few "armchair politicians" who were in charge of the publicity work were coveting the supreme power of the country and creating trouble for the rescue and relief work with their "revolution". That was why there was little media coverage of the disaster for quite some time and, due to the abnormal political atmosphere, China declined any international aid.

          Even at that time, this was seen as defying all common sense and people had good reasons to feel indignant at those "armchair politicians".

          However, since the nature of the State power was not changed, the leaders in charge of the Party and government's daily work at the time did not forget the fundamental principle of serving the people wholeheartedly.

          Therefore, despite the government declining international aid and failing to allow open and full media coverage of the quake, it did not mean that the government did not take action.

          In fact, the Chinese government then managed to react as quickly as possible and launched the rescues on a scale not second to that in the wake of Wenchuan quake today.

          By all means, despite the undesirable political interferences, the Tangshan earthquake went down in history as a positive case of human rights practice with a Chinese character.

          The inscription on the memorial to the Tangshan earthquake erected in 1986 notes that over 100,000 PLA troops "set out in great haste and started rescue as soon as they arrived in the city", and more than 50,000 medical workers came to treat the injured.

          According to the inscription, "Ten days after the shock, the railway transportation was resumed; in less than a month the schools reopened, factories restarted production, and businesses came to life again; before the winter came over 1 million simply-equipped shelters stood up in the ruins with no victim suffering cold and hunger. After the catastrophe the city witnessed fewer cases of diseases and no pestilence occurred, which created a wonder in the history of disaster relief."

          During both the snow disaster of January and the Wenchuan earthquake there appeared voluntary rescue teams from Tangshan citizens, who would return the concerns they received from the Party and the government 32 years ago to their disaster-hit compatriots today.

          This is a reflection of the success of the Tangshan rescue and popularity of the idea of "serving the people wholeheartedly".

          Tremendous changes have taken place in China between Tangshan and Wenchuan: the government is a lot stronger financially, the telecommunications are a lot more developed, and the country is a lot more open.

          One thing that has remained intact is that the army as an efficient instrument of the State is still the backbone of rescue and relief. The nature of the regime that serves the people wholeheartedly has determined that the Chinese People's Liberation Army, the People's Armed Police and the Public Security forces are still the people's own troops and are still reliable.

          The people's army is a strong guarantee for the human rights practice with a Chinese character. This has nothing to do with the "universal values" but has stemmed from the fine tradition of the people's army nurtured by Mao Zedong and other predecessors of the CPC during the decades of revolutionary wars.

          The "universal values" that emphasize individual freedom and rights also had their part during the disaster. However, their power cannot match those of some 130,000 soldiers who fought the disaster and saved others in spite of risks to their personal safety.

          Shortly before the earthquake, an economist said openly: "It is a folly to sacrifice oneself to the fortune of others." He insisted that "the extreme form of 'sacrificing oneself for others' is moving toward terrorism".

          Fortunately, none of the 130,000 PLA soldiers who went to the devastated areas after the earthquake has listened to him. Nor did anyone believe that the numerous heroes who sacrificed themselves for others would go toward terrorism.

          Thanks to the modern telecommunication means, the Chinese government and the army's responsibility toward the people and their capacity and efficiency to mobile all kinds of resources in response to a crisis have been fully exhibited to the world. Those who have always pointed fingers at China on issues like human rights were suddenly struck dumb.

          Then there are people who explain it as the CPC's attempt to "justify its rule". This is terribly mistaken. The CPC that has toughened itself in hardships and disasters for decades does not need an earthquake to justify its governance. Its legality already existed in its blood ties with the people. The people's support comes where the regime has its justification.

          Over the years there have been various forces trying to sever the blood ties so as to root the CPC out of its base. However, one crisis after another has reminded the CPC leaders that they should never get divorced from the people and destroy their own foundation.

          All in all, the CPC has taken power and remained in governance to this day simply because it has valued the people's lives. From Tangshan to Wenchuan, the human rights practice with a Chinese character has clearly followed the principle of serving the people wholeheartedly. In normal times, it might look faded or there could be deviations from it, but at the time of a crisis, its nature shows itself.

          The author is a council member of China Society for Human Rights Studies

          (China Daily 06/05/2008 page8)

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