<tt id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"></pre></pre></tt>
          <nav id="6hsgl"><th id="6hsgl"></th></nav>
          国产免费网站看v片元遮挡,一亚洲一区二区中文字幕,波多野结衣一区二区免费视频,天天色综网,久久综合给合久久狠狠狠,男人的天堂av一二三区,午夜福利看片在线观看,亚洲中文字幕在线无码一区二区
          USEUROPEAFRICAASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
          China
          Home / China / View

          Tsai plays dumb charade across Straits

          By Shih Chih-yu | China Daily | Updated: 2016-03-25 08:06

          Since the election of Tsai Ing-wen, from the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party, in January 2016 as Taiwan leader, speculation over her position on cross-Straits economic exchanges has been rampant. It should have been clear, though, that she would be lukewarm toward such economic exchanges if one took her past remarks seriously.

          However, her attitude became ambiguous during the election campaign, opening up room for imagination. Still, she might favor a policy that can reduce Taiwan's economic dependence on the Chinese mainland. And for that reason, a creative "guilt economy" - similar to guilt tax - may gradually emerge in Taiwan.

          By no means does Tsai's record create optimism. She used to oppose the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement and strongly supported the "Sunflower Movement" of March 2014, which triggered extensive aversion in Taiwan toward the Cross-Straits Service Trade Agreement.

          In fact, Tsai was well known for her consistent effort to control the economic exchanges between the two sides. The "Mainland Affairs Council" under her leadership, for example, adopted a series of security indices to prevent over-reliance on trade with the mainland.

          Although doing without anti-mainland rhetoric, Tsai is in actuality pushing for a "south-focused" policy that she hopes will incorporate both Southeast Asian and South Asian economies to substitute for the mainland. She even envisions an economy of culture by deepening mutual understanding and appreciation with the prospective southern partners, in the hope that economic relations will enhance the cultural bondage, a line of thinking remarkably akin to the mainland's philosophy on the cultural relationship with Taiwan.

          The island's businesspeople are nevertheless worried about their ventures on the mainland. Many are even eager to make new investments and purchases elsewhere or agree to offers of purchase from mainland buyers. Tsai is not in any position to stop them if business judgment points to profitability. But since she is not certain about how economic conditions will evolve in the following years, she may feel a better bet in the short term would be to remain acquiescent on businesses that may alleviate the pressure of retreat, unemployment and low salaries on her. In other words, business opportunities on the mainland could still be useful in the short term.

          She will not sit idle, though, with her main fear revolving around the possible loss of economic autonomy. Despite an ambivalent policy of "neither encouraging, nor discouraging" she may pursue on the flanks of the economy a moral restraint constituted by a sense of "guilt" stemming from those making profits on the mainland.

          Guilt will be both the deliberate construction of Tsai's policy and an expected outcome. In short, Tsai's substitution of "cultural independence" of Taiwan for "political independence" is seen not only in the cultural sphere but also in the economic sphere.

          The intended cultural changes constituted in her South and Southeast Asia initiative are aimed at offsetting the "political incorrectness" of economic interaction with the mainland, which pro-independence politicians allege is threatening the island's "cultural independence". To the extent that her economic policy aims at "cultural politics", such campaigns immediately reduce Taiwan businesses on the mainland to cultural defections, and hence guilt.

          This could lead to the rise of a "guilt economy", something the world has never heard of. Economic necessities will be registered in "guilt" under Tsai's leadership. It results from the combination of Tsai's pro-independence predilection, incapability of her policy to enhance the island's autonomy from the mainland politically as well as economically, and her determined leadership in internally consolidating the "culture" of Taiwan "independence". Tsai's administration as well as her party will benefit from such a "guilt economy". This is because a guilt economy as such will generate pressures on those making profits on the mainland to make contributions to her party or her "policy priority".

          The author is a scholar of political science in Taiwan.

          Editor's picks
          Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
          License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

          Registration Number: 130349
          FOLLOW US
          主站蜘蛛池模板: 最近中文字幕完整版hd| 成人福利国产午夜AV免费不卡在线| 少妇人妻偷人偷人精品| av无码东京热亚洲男人的天堂 | 成熟少妇XXXXX高清视频| 久久永久视频| 中文字幕在线亚洲日韩6页| 四虎永久在线精品免费视频观看| 99久久精品费精品国产一区二| 青青操国产| 精品国产伦理国产无遮挡| 国产免费久久精品99reswag| 国内少妇人妻偷人精品视频| 亚洲一区二区三区四区三级视频 | 男女性杂交内射女bbwxz| 成人无码免费视频在线播| 亚洲中文字幕综合小综合| 欧美人成精品网站播放| 免费看视频的网站| 精品人妻少妇一区二区三区| 国产精品成人aaaaa网站| 99热这里都是国产精品| 亚洲欧美综合在线天堂| 国产综合精品日本亚洲777| 中文字幕日韩有码一区| 欧美日本在线一区二区三区 | 99久久国产综合精品成人影院| 一日本道伊人久久综合影 | 免费国产综合色在线精品 | 中文字幕AV伊人AV无码AV| 国产精品国产自产拍高清| √在线天堂中文最新版网| 亚洲欧洲av一区二区久久| 丁香婷婷综合激情五月色| 999国产精品一区二区| 国产美女久久久亚洲综合| 国产怡春院无码一区二区| 国产av普通话对白国语| 久久这里只精品热免费99| 99在线视频免费观看| 日本一区二区三本视频在线观看|