<tt id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"></pre></pre></tt>
          <nav id="6hsgl"><th id="6hsgl"></th></nav>
          国产免费网站看v片元遮挡,一亚洲一区二区中文字幕,波多野结衣一区二区免费视频,天天色综网,久久综合给合久久狠狠狠,男人的天堂av一二三区,午夜福利看片在线观看,亚洲中文字幕在线无码一区二区

          Crazy to squander opportunity for universal suffrage in HK

          Updated: 2015-06-16 08:56

          By Andrew Mitchell(HK Edition)

            Print Mail Large Medium  Small

          'Pocket it first!", the supporters' slogan for the current electoral reform package, always makes me think of pocket money. In my early teenage years I used to get the princely sum of 25 pence (about HK$3) to spend every week as I pleased. But, as everyone knows, there's no such thing as enough money. So, at every opportunity, I used to complain to my parents that all my friends got much more pocket money than me (which, incidentally, wasn't true). But my father wouldn't budge. So, for years, I had to make do with only 25 pence a week.

          But what has all this got to do with electoral reform? Well, it strikes me that what I was doing all those years ago was pocketing it first. I may not have agreed with what was on offer, but it was certainly better than nothing. So I took it.

          Now, if a teenage boy (and not a particularly smart one) is capable of exercising a degree of pragmatism such as this, then it begs the question, why aren't all our politicians in Hong Kong capable of doing the same? After all politics is meant to be the art of the possible.

          OK, I understand there are certain aspects of the electoral reform package that "pan-democrats" don't approve of. But does that mean they should reject it out of hand? After all what's the point of throwing the baby out with the bath water?

          Because, without a doubt, there's a baby here in this package. And its name is universal suffrage. For if the electoral reform bill is passed on June 17 by the Legislative Council, in 2017 - for the first time in history - Hong Kong people will be able to vote for their leader in a democratic election. And to prevent this from happening over debatable concerns about "false legitimacy" seems absolutely crazy to me.

          In the aftermath of the recent British election, I outlined some of the more egregious flaws in my own country's version of democracy, among them the unrepresentative nature of the first-past-the-post system, the unelected upper house and head of state, and the one-off elections for the lower house and prime minister. But as a British subject do I simply reject this system, which makes my own particular vote effectively meaningless? No, I accept it with all its limitations, in the hope that one day the system will improve.

          Now, surely this is what Hong Kong's politicians should do with the electoral reform package. Because if they don't, they'll end up denying 5 million voters their right to elect the Chief Executive in two years' time. And in denying them this right, they'll be deepening the divide between the government and its supporters on the one hand and the opposition camp on the other. It is a divide that's already far too deep as it is.

          As I said, I understand there are certain aspects of the electoral reform package that the "pan-democrats" don't approve of. The pre-screening of CE candidates by the Nominating Committee (NC) is the most obvious one, along with the make-up of the NC. But, ultimately, what's the worst thing that could happen here? Quite simply, that none of the candidates put forward by the NC will meet with the approval of the Hong Kong people.

          But even if that happened - and, personally, I very much doubt it ever would - the candidates would still have to submit themselves to public scrutiny, and the most popular (or least unpopular) candidate would ultimately prevail. What is more, after the election, the spotlight would undoubtedly be focused on the NC, for having failed to carry out its role effectively. This would inevitably lead to calls for it to be reformed.

          So it seems to me that it is in everyone's interest here to take what's on offer, in the hope that further reforms can be negotiated down the line. After all democracies are never perfect, and positive change is nearly always incremental. And in supporting the electoral reform package, we'd all be moving in the right direction "in accordance with the principle of gradual and orderly progress", as stated in Article 45 of the Basic Law.

          Of course, the diehards in the opposition camp will maintain that "Pocket it first!" is an elaborate trick; that what it really means is "Pocket it forever!". But forever, it seems to me, is a very long time. And no matter what anyone says, change is always possible. Now this from personal experience. By the time I left school, my pocket money had increased to a whopping 1 pound a week.

          Crazy to squander opportunity for universal suffrage in HK

          (HK Edition 06/16/2015 page11)

          主站蜘蛛池模板: 91久久偷偷做嫩草影院免费看| 亚洲禁精品一区二区三区| 无码人妻一区二区三区精品视频| 国产偷国产偷高清精品| 国模精品二区| 免费国产一级 片内射老| 国产精品成| 国产农村老熟女国产老熟女| 中文字幕人妻精品在线| 国产伦码精品一区二区| 日本高清www无色夜在线视频| 久久天天躁夜夜躁一区| 狠狠躁夜夜躁无码中文字幕| 最近2019年日本中文字幕免费| 无码一区二区三区免费| 熟女无套高潮内谢吼叫免费| 日韩精品一区二区三区激情视频| 国产伦一区二区三区久久| 日韩中文字幕av有码| 中文字幕亚洲日韩无线码| 免费看的一级毛片| 漂亮的保姆hd完整版免费韩国| 天堂网av最新在线| 少妇人妻88久久中文字幕| 日本大片在线看黄a∨免费| 国产精品亚洲综合一区二区 | 美女人妻激情乱人伦| 丁香五月亚洲综合在线国内自拍| 蜜臀AⅤ永久无码精品| 日本韩国一区二区精品| 国产精品国产精品国产专区| 色哟哟国产成人精品| 天干天干夜啦天干天干国产| 老司机午夜精品视频资源| 欧美伦费免费全部午夜最新| 91人妻无码成人精品一区91| 国产成熟妇女性视频电影| 久久精品国产亚洲av麻豆甜| 国产精品白浆无码流出| 国产精品一线天在线播放| 国产日韩久久免费影院|