<tt id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"></pre></pre></tt>
          <nav id="6hsgl"><th id="6hsgl"></th></nav>
          国产免费网站看v片元遮挡,一亚洲一区二区中文字幕,波多野结衣一区二区免费视频,天天色综网,久久综合给合久久狠狠狠,男人的天堂av一二三区,午夜福利看片在线观看,亚洲中文字幕在线无码一区二区
          Global EditionASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
          Opinion
          Home / Opinion / Global Views

          Damage control

          China needs to formulate a comprehensive response strategy to gain more initiative in the global technological competition

          By CAI CUIHONG and ZHANG RUOYANG | China Daily Global | Updated: 2025-02-18 09:35
          Share
          Share - WeChat
          LI MIN/CHINA DAILY

          China needs to formulate a comprehensive response strategy to gain more initiative in the global technological competition

          As countries around the world accelerate their strategic technological deployments, traditional global geopolitics are shifting toward "techno-politics". That is, with the unprecedented rise in the role of technology and under the logic of international political competition, the organizational structures and behavioral patterns of nations, as well as the means and content of major power competition, are undergoing significant changes. Technological factors have become core variables in economic competition, national security and even ideological confrontation.

          Technological innovation and industrial transformation are key forces shaping the global development landscape and competitive dynamics, while geopolitical factors influence or even dictate technological development. Against this backdrop, the global technological competition exhibits three prominent characteristics.

          First, a new nationwide resource mobilization system aimed at achieving breakthroughs in core technologies across key fields has been strengthened.

          Given that technological development entails high risks and high rewards, the State-led, socially engaged model of large-scale scientific research, technological breakthroughs, talent cultivation and industrial planning has become more pronounced.

          For example, the United States has increased its investment in semiconductor R&D through the CHIPS and Science Act, while the European Union has adopted the European Chips Act to reduce reliance on external supply chains. In emerging technology fields such as artificial intelligence, quantum computing and life sciences, countries across the globe are strengthening national-level R&D plans to compete for technological leadership.

          Second, technology competition is increasingly intertwined with security concerns and ideological considerations.

          Technology now plays a pivotal role in national security, value systems and international influence, particularly in strategic fields such as artificial intelligence and semiconductors. To vie for dominance in technological systems, Western countries, led by the US, frequently cite risks such as "tech leakage" and "economic coercion", hyping the so-called China threat. They aim to conflate security, economic, technological and even scientific issues to further constrain competitors in the latest wave of global technological revolution and industrial transformation, thereby consolidating their dominance in emerging technologies.

          Furthermore, the US has incorporated technologies such as semiconductors and artificial intelligence into its national security framework, tightened export restrictions on critical technologies to China, and pressured its allies to join a "de-risking" alliance aimed at curbing China's technological development through systematic blockades.

          Third, competition over technological ecosystems has intensified.

          Future technological competition will extend beyond the advancement of individual technologies. More importantly, it will encompass entire technological ecosystems, including technological standards, supply chains and the integration of talent and market resources.

          Under the pretext of "de-risking", some Western countries have recalibrated their economic and technological relations with China by implementing policies that promote selective decoupling. As a result, the global technological landscape faces increasing fragmentation, with some technological fields already exhibiting signs of systemic division.

          Facing this challenging landscape, China needs to formulate a comprehensive response strategy to safeguard its technological development and strive to gain more initiative in the global technological competition.

          First, China should fortify its independent innovation system to accelerate breakthroughs in core technologies.

          Currently, the epicenter of global technological competition lies in basic research and achieving breakthroughs in core technologies. China should increase investment in strategic and forward-looking technologies while promoting synergy between basic science and applied technology. The government should further bolster self-reliance and controllability of technological R&D by scaling up dedicated funds, optimizing research management systems and deepening industry-academia-research collaboration.

          Additionally, China needs to build a robust technological reserve, focusing on next-generation information technologies, advanced manufacturing and renewable energy, etc. to secure a long term competitive edge in the technological revolution.

          Second, China needs to advance tech diplomacy to build an open and inclusive international technological cooperation system.

          Against the backdrop of an increasingly fragmented global technological landscape, China should adopt a more proactive approach to deepen interaction with the global innovation system.

          On the one hand, China should broaden technological cooperation with developing countries and emerging markets, especially under the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative. On the other hand, China should take on a more active role in global technological standard setting, international research collaborations, and joint innovation efforts. Expanding its network of technological partnership will help China mitigate the risks of isolation imposed by technological blockades.

          Third, China needs to strengthen the resilience of the domestic industrial chains and enhance the competitiveness of its technological ecosystem.

          Future technological competition will involve not only specific technological capabilities but also the integration of entire technological ecosystems. Therefore, China must strengthen the coordinated development of upstream and downstream industrial chains and improve the self-sufficiency of its supply chains.

          For example, in the semiconductor industry, China should beef up support for the entire industrial chain, including chip design, manufacturing and packaging, to enhance self-sufficiency and technological autonomy. Additionally, it is imperative to promote the greater alignment of domestic technological standards with international standards to ensure China's voice in the global technological system.

          Last but not least, China should push back against the increasing overuse of security rhetoric in technological competition and pioneer a more balanced model of technological governance.

          Amid escalating technological restrictions imposed by the US and its allies, China should enhance the transparency and global credibility of its tech policies while promoting a fairer and more inclusive model of technological cooperation.

          By formulating more competitive policies on data security and AI ethics, China can enhance global trust in its technological system and improve global market confidence in Chinese technology.

          China needs to ensure technological self-reliance while simultaneously fostering a more open, inclusive and cooperative global technological system. By strengthening independent innovation, optimizing technological governance, deepening international cooperation, and improving its industrial chain ecosystem, China can seize greater strategic initiative in reshaping the future of global technological competition and advance a fairer, more sustainable model of global technological cooperation.

          Cai Cuihong is a professor at the Center for American Studies at Fudan University. Zhang Ruoyang is a doctoral student at the School of International Relations and Public Affairs at Fudan University.

          The authors contributed this article to China Watch, a think tank powered by China Daily.

          Contact the editor at editor@chinawatch.cn.

           

          Most Viewed in 24 Hours
          Top
          BACK TO THE TOP
          English
          Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
          License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

          Registration Number: 130349
          FOLLOW US
          主站蜘蛛池模板: 蜜臀av在线无码国产| 国产伦一区二区三区精品| 国产精品国语对白一区二区| 成人午夜福利免费专区无码| 狂野欧美激情性xxxx| 免费无码一区无码东京热| 国产精品综合色区av| 中文字幕 日韩 人妻 无码| 欧美另类图区清纯亚洲| 国产成人拍精品免费视频| 性奴sm虐辱暴力视频网站| 国产伦一区二区三区精品| 国产精品夫妇激情啪发布| 国产片AV在线永久免费观看| 国产乱老熟女乱老熟女视频 | 欧美成人精品三级网站| 就去色综合| 亚洲精品美女一区二区| 精品无码国产一区二区三区av| 日本高清视频网站www| 精品久久久久国产免费| 亚在线观看免费视频入口| 免费VA国产高清大片在线 | japanese熟女熟妇| 在线看片免费人成视频久网 | 国产毛片基地| 人人妻人人玩人人澡人人爽| 少女大人免费观看高清电视剧韩剧| 国产高清在线男人的天堂 | 国产亚洲精品日韩综合网| 亚洲AV成人片不卡无码| 99精品久久免费精品久久| 国产卡一卡二卡三免费入口| 免费看成人毛片无码视频| 日韩AV高清在线看片| 亚洲综合高清一区二区三区| 熟妇人妻不卡中文字幕| 亚洲一级av大片在线观看| 日本另类αv欧美另类aⅴ| 国产一精品一av一免费| 国产不卡av一区二区|