<tt id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"></pre></pre></tt>
          <nav id="6hsgl"><th id="6hsgl"></th></nav>
          国产免费网站看v片元遮挡,一亚洲一区二区中文字幕,波多野结衣一区二区免费视频,天天色综网,久久综合给合久久狠狠狠,男人的天堂av一二三区,午夜福利看片在线观看,亚洲中文字幕在线无码一区二区
          Global EditionASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
          Opinion
          Home / Opinion / Global Views

          Ensuring 'win-win cooperation' philosophy wins

          By CAI CUIHONG and LIU BEINING | China Daily Global | Updated: 2024-10-29 08:15
          Share
          Share - WeChat

          WANG XIAOYING/CHINA DAILY

          As the EU recalibrates its semiconductor strategy, China should pursue chances to collaborate with it to avoid isolation due to technological decoupling

          As global technological competition heats up, the semiconductor industry has emerged as a critical battleground for great power rivalry. To avoid being sidelined in this competition, the European Union is recalibrating its semiconductor strategy in response to the fierce confrontation between China and the United States. With China's rapid progress in semiconductor technology and the US' ongoing push for technological decoupling from China, the EU faces unprecedented pressure and challenges.

          To address these issues, the EU is not only focusing on enhancing its technological sovereignty, but also adjusting its semiconductor strategy through multiple perspectives, including geopolitics, economic security, and technological competition. These adjustments will not only profoundly affect China-EU relations but also reshape the global technology landscape, potentially transforming the global semiconductor supply chain.

          In formulating its semiconductor strategy, the EU places significant emphasis on geopolitical security. Given the highly interconnected nature of the semiconductor supply chain in today's globalized world, technological sovereignty is intrinsically linked to geopolitical security. China's rapid ascent in the semiconductor sector has heightened the EU's fears of becoming overly reliant on external suppliers, potentially compromising its role in the global supply chain. Such dependence, particularly amid potential international tensions or trade conflicts, could prove to be a strategic liability.

          French President Emmanuel Macron has warned that Europe "in the long run will disappear geopolitically" amid the current competitive global environment. In response, the EU has introduced the European Chips Act, which aims to increase its share of the global semiconductor market to 20 percent by 2030, thereby reducing reliance on external suppliers. This act is designed to enhance semiconductor production capabilities through substantial R&D investments.

          Furthermore, the European Chips Act also establishes an emergency response mechanism, incorporating monitoring and early warning systems to mitigate supply chain disruptions. For example, the 2021 chip shortage — which severely impacted automakers such as Volkswagen and BMW — revealed the dangers of excessive supply chain dependence, prompting the EU to accelerate its efforts to localize chip manufacturing. By making these strategic adjustments, the EU aims to maintain independence and resilience within the global semiconductor supply chain.

          The EU's semiconductor strategy is not solely driven by geopolitical security, it is also influenced by ideological concerns, particularly regarding the independence of its technology policy. As China's influence in the global tech market grows, the EU is increasingly wary of losing its technological autonomy.

          To counter this, the EU has tightened its regulatory oversight of external technologies through the European Chips Act and supplementary legislation. For instance, the EU's Digital Markets Act and Digital Services Act have set stringent market entry rules and technical standards to ensure that foreign technology cannot gain undue control over its markets. These legislative actions go beyond restricting external technological penetration — they are crucial to preserving the EU's technological sovereignty and the independence of its industrial policies in the digital era.

          Additionally, in responding to the US' push for technological decoupling from China, the EU faces the challenge of balancing cooperation while maintaining independence. While the EU aims to enhance its technological competitiveness through cooperation with the US, it also recognizes that overreliance on the US may undermine its independence in the technology sector. Thus, in its interactions with both China and the US, the EU seeks technological cooperation while maintaining a degree of autonomy, avoiding being drawn passively into their rivalry.

          The EU's response to China's advancement in the semiconductor technology is multi-faceted, combining collaboration with measures to strengthen domestic innovation and maintain technological leadership. China's advancements in areas such as high-end chip manufacturing, material supply chains, and technical standards have amplified the EU's concerns about its long-term competitiveness. The EU views China's progress as a potential threat to its technological edge.

          To address this challenge, the European Chips Act explicitly calls for the improvement of domestic chip manufacturing capabilities through large-scale investments and policy support, along with partnerships with leading global chip manufacturers. These efforts are intended to bolster Europe's semiconductor production capacity, reduce dependency on external markets such as China, and secure Europe's technology ecosystem while enhancing technological sovereignty. For example, Germany's Infineon and France's STMicroelectronics are both expanding their high-end chip production capabilities with government support, aimed at reducing dependency on Asian suppliers.

          The EU's semiconductor strategy is not solely about competing with China, it also includes maintaining close technological collaboration and alignment with the US. By leveraging transatlantic partnerships, the EU aims to enhance its technological autonomy while securing a stable and diversified supply chain. Through partnerships with the US and other like-minded nations, the EU aspires to establish a stronger strategic position in the global semiconductor supply chain — promoting technological innovation while ensuring supply chain stability.

          As global technological competition continues to intensify, the relationship between the EU and China in the semiconductor sector will grow increasingly complex. And the EU must also respond to political and economic pressures from the US by maintaining an appropriate distance from China in the semiconductor field.

          Looking ahead, the EU's semiconductor policy toward China will likely continue to balance cooperation and competition. The EU will seek to promote domestic technological development through targeted policy and investment, ensuring technological sovereignty while reducing reliance on Chinese technology. At the same time, it is crucial for the EU to maintain necessary channels of cooperation with China, particularly in areas such as semiconductor standards, supply chain stability, and industrial policies. A deeper dialogue with China could help the EU mitigate risks related to technological decoupling.

          In light of the EU's strategic adjustments in semiconductors, China can adapt proactively to shifts in the global technology landscape. Besides, China can continue to strengthen its capabilities for independent innovation, optimize its semiconductor supply chain, reduce dependency on foreign technologies, and boost its competitiveness in the global market. Concurrently, China should pursue opportunities to collaborate with the EU, particularly in technical standards and research partnerships, to avoid isolation due to technological decoupling. By adhering to a "win-win cooperation" philosophy, China can flexibly respond to global technological competition, leveraging multilateral cooperation and technological exchanges to create more development opportunities.

          Cai Cuihong is a professor at the Center for American Studies at Fudan University. Liu Beining is a graduate at the School of International Relations and Public Affairs at Fudan University. The authors contributed this article to China Watch, a think tank powered by China Daily.

          The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

          Contact the editor at editor@chinawatch.cn.

          Most Viewed in 24 Hours
          Top
          BACK TO THE TOP
          English
          Copyright 1994 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
          License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

          Registration Number: 130349
          FOLLOW US
          主站蜘蛛池模板: 日本边添边摸边做边爱喷水| 日本久久99成人网站| 天堂V亚洲国产V第一次| 午夜福利一区二区三区在线观看| 91精品国产福利尤物免费| 无码中文字幕热热久久| 自拍偷自拍亚洲精品播放| 日韩人妻少妇一区二区| 国产亚洲精品欧洲在线视频| 国产欧美在线观看一区| 亚洲熟妇无码av另类vr影视| 国产综合精品一区二区在线 | 狠狠干| 精品人妻伦一二三区久久aaa片| 美腿少妇资源在线网站| 亚洲中文永久在线不卡| 日本韩国一区二区精品| 亚洲av成人无网码天堂| 欧美性色黄大片www喷水| 亚洲高清WWW色好看美女| 中文字幕精品久久久久人妻红杏1 人妻少妇精品中文字幕 | 亚洲AV无码成人网站久久精品| 亚洲精品综合网在线8050影院| 一区天堂中文最新版在线| 国产午夜亚洲精品国产成人| 亚洲VA欧美VA国产综合| 亚洲另类激情专区小说婷婷久| 2022一本久道久久综合狂躁| 国产免费一级在线观看| 夜夜夜高潮夜夜爽夜夜爰爰 | 一本色道久久东京热| 亚洲一卡2卡3卡4卡精品| 亚洲午夜亚洲精品国产成人| 国产精品人成在线观看免费| 最近的2019中文字幕国语hd| 久热色精品在线观看视频| 中文有无人妻vs无码人妻激烈| 久久精品人人槡人妻人人玩AV | 国产精品99久久免费观看| 韩国精品一区二区三区| 色综合色综合综合综合综合|