Moving Hong Kong forward: Basic imperatives to restore equilibrium

The chief executive, Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor, is never short of people telling her what to do. On some days, it must appear that the whole world, and its dog, wants to advise her. Apart from all the talking heads in Hong Kong, foreign politicians, invariably ill-motivated, are always eager to get in on the act.

Of course, Lam cannot please everyone, and she confronts many obstacles. Hong Kong has an abundance of malcontents, unappreciative of the unique advantages they enjoy under the “one country, two systems” formula. They know all about their rights, but nothing about their responsibilities. They readily identify themselves with foreign countries, yet lack any sense of national identity.

Such people are introverted, unable to see the wider picture, and impervious to reason. They are prepared to tolerate the destruction of their own city, as well as the jobs of other citizens, imagining this will somehow result in a better life. They brazenly collude with foreign politicians, who naturally see them as useful idiots.

Although Hong Kong is far less important to China than it was in 1997, these people are oblivious to the opportunities that are opening up, particularly in the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area. Protest, for many of them, is not only a pastime, but a way of life, although some prefer recreational rioting.

They have, as Lam knows, nothing of value to say. Their vacuous demands are worthless, and no substitute for rational thinking. Many apparently educated people seem unable to grasp this, and gleefully churn out complaints, without solutions.

Going forward, Hong Kong must reject the creed of hatred, negativity and violence to which it has fallen prey. It should accept its responsibilities and embrace its opportunities. Only then can it reclaim its role as a unique city with real influence in China, as well as internationally

Given, for example, the abuse of our democratic processes by the Civic Party, whose legislators paralyze the Legislative Council, malign Beijing at every turn, and align themselves with their country’s geopolitical rivals, the good name of democracy has been badly tarnished. In consequence, democratic development has stalled, and they have only themselves to blame.

Obstacles notwithstanding, some basic imperatives can help to restore equilibrium. Since, for example, violence is being used to undermine the rule of law, those responsible must be made to understand that it will achieve nothing. The legal system must ensure that, once culprits are convicted of protest-related violence, they receive severely deterrent sentences, and that they pay compensation to their victims.

There must, moreover, be no further concessions to protesters. Although one concession was made, this has undermined the rule of law, and left Hong Kong awash with fugitive offenders. It has, moreover, not appeased anyone, and has simply generated more demands, all equally ludicrous.

The police force must be fully supported, with extra manpower, the latest equipment, and better service conditions. Online hate forums, which plot crime and tell people how to harm police officers, must be shut down. Any attempts to undermine police morale, however they are dressed up, whether as a commission of inquiry or otherwise, must be dismissed out of hand. The valiant officers who bravely defend Hong Kong should not only receive enhanced allowances, but also feature heavily in the next Honors List.

Since the protest movement has been infiltrated by subversive elements, it must be made clear to everyone that independence will not happen. China will never allow itself to be divided up again by foreign powers, or their local proxies. Once Beijing can see that Hong Kong is not being used as a base for challenging national security and territorial integrity, it may be possible to make some progress toward greater democracy, but certainly not before.

This means, of course, that protesters must appreciate that Hong Kong’s future is inextricably interwoven with China’s. If their leaders continue to collude with foreign powers, this will simply stymie change. If they want to parley with anyone, it can only be with their own country’s leadership, which needs to be convinced that they can handle more responsibility.

Given, moreover, the unpatriotic proclivities of the violent protesters, the government should decide how best to implement the national security law, as the Basic Law requires, whether through its Annex III, or otherwise. Further delay, 22 years after reunification, is not an option, particularly in relation to secession and subversion. These offences must finally be prosecutable.

The involvement of schoolchildren, moreover, in protest-related crime, including bomb making, has been tragic, and those responsible care nothing for child welfare. It represents a failure of parenting and teaching, although peer pressure, fake news and cheap thrills have all played a part. The Education Bureau, therefore, must get a grip on the situation, and ensure that pupils fully understand civic responsibility, moral values and national history, as well as China’s developing role, and teachers who resist should be shown the door.

Although the United States has, at the behest of the Civic Party and its allies, enacted legislation that places Hong Kong’s special trade status at risk, this is hopefully no more than gesture politics. However, as China’s global role expands, so will the US become increasingly desperate, and it might retaliate by hitting Hong Kong. The government must, therefore, to cushion the impact, draw up alternative trading arrangements, including the expansion of existing markets and the identification of new ones, including in “Belt and Road Initiative”.

On the domestic front, livelihood issues, as Lam recognizes, are crucial. Apart from reducing the wealth gap, combating poverty, and providing affordable housing, job opportunities should be maximized, most obviously, in the Bay Area.

Going forward, Hong Kong must reject the creed of hatred, negativity and violence to which it has fallen prey. It should accept its responsibilities and embrace its opportunities. Only then can it reclaim its role as a unique city with real influence in China, as well as internationally.

The author is a senior counsel, law professor and criminal justice analyst, and was previously the director of public prosecutions of Hong Kong.

The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.