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          The truth behind Hong Kong unrest

          By MAO YANHUA | chinawatch.cn | Updated: 2019-12-06 10:56
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          The unrest in Hong Kong, triggered by a bill to amend the extradition law, has entered its sixth month. During this period, the violent protesters have trampled on the rule of law and social order, and stunted the city's economic growth, posing a serious threat to "one country, two systems".

          The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government has been dealing with the unrest in a restrained manner, trying to promote dialogue and communication with the demonstrators.

          The central government has backed Hong Kong chief executive's law-based administration and Hong Kong police for strictly enforcing the law, while sending a clear message to the international community that China is firmly committed to implementing the "one country, two systems" principle.

          Hong Kong's social stability and economic prosperity in the 22 years since the SAR returned to China attest to the success of "one country, two systems".

          So why did the peaceful rallies and protests against the extradition amendment bill so quickly turn into violent demonstrations and riots? What's the behind-the-scene truth?

          Given the complex international landscape, we need political insight to see the ulterior motives of the rioters: seizing the power to govern the SAR and sabotaging the socialist system on the Chinese mainland. To defeat such designs, we should uphold and improve the "one country, two systems" principle, make greater efforts to support Hong Kong's integration into the country's development, and promote common development.

          "One country, two systems" has largely proved to be successful. It has enabled Hong Kong compatriots to become their own masters.

          In the more than one and a half century before Hong Kong returned to China on July 1, 1997, the British colonial rulers appointed 28 governors to rule Hong Kong and also a commander-in-chief of the armed forces. All members of the Legislative Council and Administrative Council were designated, while the governor was empowered to veto any bill.

          After Hong Kong's return to China, its residents began to enjoy unprecedented democratic rights, with the chief executive and the Legislative Council being elected democratically.

          The SAR exercises a high degree of autonomy, and enjoys executive, legislative and independent judicial power, including that of final adjudication, in accordance with the provisions of the Basic Law. The capitalist system and way of life and the laws that existed before the SAR was established have not been changed.

          Hong Kong has maintained its economic prosperity and social stability after its return to China.

          The central government has always attached great importance to Hong Kong's economic development and its residents' livelihoods. It fully supported Hong Kong during the 1997 Asian financial crisis, the 2003 SARS(severe acute respiratory syndrome) epidemic, the 2008 global financial crisis and other difficulties and challenges.

          The central government has accorded special importance to Hong Kong even when planning and executing national strategies. Hong Kong has retained its status as an international financial, shipping and trading hub after its return to China. The American Heritage Foundation and other international organizations have rated it one of the freest and most competitive economies. And its desirable business environment has been widely acknowledged.

          However, the violence and crimes triggered by the extradition amendment bill pose a threat to "one country, two systems".

          The SAR government proposed the amendment to plug the loopholes in the extradition law and to prevent Hong Kong from becoming a haven for fugitives. But the violent protests continued even after the SAR government withdrew the bill. So why did the unrest continue?

          One cannot deny that Hong Kong faces certain problems in terms of land, housing and social mobility. And these grievances can be addressed only after the social order is restored.

          In fact, the SAR government has demonstrated its sincerity to address these issues, but the more pressing task is to end the violence and restore order.

          Yet, instead of condemning the horrible crimes by the rioters, the United States House of Representatives recently passed the so-called Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act, revealing that it wishes ill of China by destabilizing Hong Kong.

          The truth behind the months-long demonstrations and riots in Hong Kong is the collusion between Hong Kong's opposition and anti-China forces in the West that want to sabotage SAR's prosperity and stability and contain China's rise. Such behaviors challenge the bottom line of "one country, two systems".

          When meeting the delegations from the Hong Kong and Macao special administrative regions during the celebration of the 40th anniversary of reform and opening-up, President Xi Jinping observed that "one country, two systems" is the greatest strength of Hong Kong and Macao.

          The principle helped Hong Kong fully leverage the mainland's huge market and rich resources, apart from its own competitiveness in sectors such as finance, trade, logistics, law, accounting, business management, healthcare and tourism. Hong Kong was not only able to grasp opportunities presented by the mainland's fast development but also draw benefits from its enormous potential and impetus.

          Maintaining its system and diversity will help boost Hong Kong's charm as "Asia's world city", while helping residents to cherish its core values like the rule of law, freedom of expression and human rights.

          Hong Kong could also serve as China's bridgehead to attract more foreign investment, talents and scientific and technological know-how to promote the national strategy of "going global".

          The author is a professor at the Institute of Guangdong, Hong Kong and Macao Development Studies and deputy dean of the Institute of Free Trade Zones at Sun Yat-Sen University.

          The author contributed this article to China Watch exclusively. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of China Watch.

          All rights reserved. Copying or sharing of any content for other than personal use is prohibited without prior written permission.

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