<tt id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"></pre></pre></tt>
          <nav id="6hsgl"><th id="6hsgl"></th></nav>
          国产免费网站看v片元遮挡,一亚洲一区二区中文字幕,波多野结衣一区二区免费视频,天天色综网,久久综合给合久久狠狠狠,男人的天堂av一二三区,午夜福利看片在线观看,亚洲中文字幕在线无码一区二区
          Global EditionASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
          Opinion
          Home / Opinion / Op-Ed Contributors

          The dark side of voting in elections

          By Dambisa Moyo | China Daily | Updated: 2017-06-23 07:09
          Share
          Share - WeChat

          A voter wears a shirt with words from the United States Constitution while casting his ballot early as long lines of voters vote at the San Diego County Elections Office in San Diego, California, US, November 7, 2016. [Photo/Agencies]

           

          According to an unpublished "kitchen table survey", conducted before last November's presidential election in the United States, about 95 percent of the predominantly Hispanic members of one of the US' largest domestic unions preferred Democratic Party candidate Hillary Clinton to her Republican opponent Donald Trump. Yet less than 3 percent of that union's members actually planned to vote. The reason came down to economics.

          For most of the people surveyed, the costs of voting-including lost wages from time off work, transport to the polling station and the need to secure proper identification (such as a driver's license or passport)-were simply too high. This reflects a broader trend in the US, with poor people often unable to participate fully in their country's democracy.

          According to the US Census Bureau, fewer than half of eligible adults with family incomes of less than $20,000 a year voted in the 2012 presidential election, whereas voter participation among households with incomes of more than $75,000 a year was 77 percent. In the 2014 midterm election, the think tank Demos reports, 68.5 percent of people in households earning less than $30,000 a year didn't vote.

          This is a serious problem. But the proposals most often put forward to address it have serious drawbacks.

          The proposed solutions typically focus on digital technology, which many claim would boost voter participation, by lowering the costs of voting. For example, mobile apps have been touted as a means to boost voter turnout: people could vote at their convenience, whether in the break-room at work or from the comfort of their own home.

          The idea certainly sounds appealing. In Estonia, which is widely considered to be a leader in the use of voting technology, almost 25 percent of all votes in the 2011 parliamentary election were cast online.

          Yet the actual impact of such technology on voter participation remains dubious.

          Although the rate of online voting in Estonia increased by nearly 20 percent between the 2007 and 2011 elections, overall voter turnout increased by less than 2 percentage points (from 61.9 percent to 63.5 percent). This suggests online voting may simply prompt regular voters to change how they cast their ballots, rather than encouraging additional voters to participate.

          But voting technology may not just be ineffective; it could actually be damaging. Such technology doesn't reduce costs only for voters; it also reduces costs for the state, making it easier than ever to conduct elections. The risk is that lower costs would encourage more frequent elections and referendums, thereby undermining the efficiency of government.

          At a time of lackluster global economic growth and deteriorating living standards for many, efficient government could not be more important. According to the US Millennium Challenge Corporation, an efficient government helps to reduce poverty, improve education and healthcare, slow environmental degradation, and combat corruption.

          A key feature of an efficient government is long-term thinking. Policymakers must work toward the policy goals that got them elected. But they must also be given enough political room to adjust to new developments, even if it means altering policy timelines.

          Amid constant elections and referenda, that, however, isn't really an option. Instead, policymakers face strong pressure to deliver short-term, voter-pleasing results-or get punished at the polls. The likely result is a shortsighted agenda prone to sudden politically motivated reversals. Beyond hurting political credibility and market confidence, such volatility could create friction between elected politicians and civil-service technocrats, damaging a relationship that is critical to efficient, forward-looking, and fact-based decision-making.

          Proponents of referendums hold them up as the epitome of democracy, giving ordinary citizens a direct say in specific policy decisions. But, in a representative democracy, referendums undermine the relationship between the voters and their political leaders, who have been entrusted to make policy on behalf of citizens.

          Ominously, referendums are already becoming an increasingly common-and consequential-feature of policymaking in the West. The United Kingdom has held just three referendums in its entire history, but two were held just in the last six years (plus another in Scotland).

          Elections, too, are becoming more frequent. The average tenure of a G20 political leader has fallen to a record low of 3.7 years, compared to six years in 1946-a shift that, no doubt, is contributing to a rise in short-term thinking by governments.

          It is not yet clear whether voting technology actually does spur greater voter participation. What is clear is that, if it is adopted widely, it could exacerbate trends that are undermining public policy, including governments' ability to boost economic growth and improve social outcomes.

          Reducing barriers to democratic participation for the poorest citizens is a worthy goal. But what good will achieving it do if those citizens' interests are harmed as a result?

          The author, an economist and author, sits on the board of directors of a number of global corporations.

          Project Syndicate

          Most Viewed in 24 Hours
          Top
          BACK TO THE TOP
          English
          Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
          License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

          Registration Number: 130349
          FOLLOW US
          主站蜘蛛池模板: 伊人久久大香线蕉av色婷婷色| 亚洲精品国产综合久久一线| 波多野结衣爽到高潮大喷| 精品一区二区三区在线播放视频| 国产免费高清69式视频在线观看| 另类国产ts人妖合集| 乱色老熟妇一区二区三区| 久久精品国产亚洲av麻豆软件| 精品亚洲成av人在线观看| 亚洲永久一区二区三区在线| 91精品国产老熟女在线| 国产精品后入内射视频| 久久久久亚洲AV无码专| 亚洲爆乳WWW无码专区| 120秒试看无码体验区| 国产精品视频一品二区三| 亚洲欧美一区二区三区日产| 夜色福利站WWW国产在线视频| 国内视频偷拍久久伊人网| 老鸭窝在线视频| 国语精品自产拍在线观看网站| 国产激情精品一区二区三区| 国产成人亚洲综合app网站| 韩国无码AV片在线观看网站| 国产高清一区二区不卡| 亚洲区综合区小说区激情区| 国产三级精品三级在线观看| 日韩亚洲精品中文字幕| 久久99精品久久水蜜桃| 午夜国产福利片在线观看| 国产播放91色在线观看| 久久精品夜夜夜夜夜久久| 97se亚洲综合自在线| 欧美激烈精交gif动态图| 国产成人8X人网站视频| 亚洲日本欧美日韩中文字幕 | 亚洲男人第一无码av网站| 国产精品亚洲视频在线观看| 国内揄拍国内精品人妻久久| 老色鬼在线精品视频在线观看| 亚洲最大成人美女色av|